Beachdan air ‘All Hail, the Scottish Workers’ Republic!’ (1920/22) le Iain Mòr MacGillEathain (John Maclean), agus tionndadh ùr Gàidhlig dheth.

Air sgàth a’ choròna-bhìorais, tha na sràidean an ìre mhath sàmhach. Cha tèid againn air coinneachadh ri chèile mar a b’ àbhaist, agus chan urrainn dhuinn fianais a thogail. A dh’aindeoin sin, tha torman poileataigeach ri fhaireachdainn fon uachdar.

Tha na cunntasan-bheachd a’ sìor shealltainn taic a tha ag èirigh airson neo-eisimeileachd Albannach. An t-seachdain-sa, chunnaic sinn an ceudad a b’ àirde fhathast aig 58%. (Cha robh mi fada ceàrr nuair a sgrìobh mi na bu tràithe gum bu dòcha gun ruigte 60% ‘an ceann mhìosan’.) Chì sinn a bheil an taic làidir seo seasmhach no fiù ’s a’ dol am meud. Agus chì sinn dè dha-rìribh a bhios i a’ ciallachadh a thaobh nam bacaidhean mòra a tha ro atharrachadh bun-reachdail.

Tha an teacsa eachdraidheil sa bhrath-bhloga seo, mar sin, a’ faireachdainn gu math iomchaidh.

Sgaoil Iain MacGillEathain agus a chàirdean a’ chiad dreach dheth ceud bliadhna air ais – san Lùnastal 1920. Mar a tha cuid eile de sgrìobhaidhean MhicGillEathain, saoilidh mi gu bheil e a’ bruidhinn ruinn sna h-amannan annasach seo.

Agus ’s e sgrìobhainn annasach a th’ ann! Tha seo air fear dhe na ciad thursan, saoilidh mi, a rinn MacGillEathain argamaid gu follaiseach airson neo-eisimeileachd na h-Alba mar rathad chun na comannachd. Tha guth nàiseantach, cho math ri fear rèabhlaideach sòisealach, ri chluinntinn innte.^[1]

Chithear mar a tha Èirinn agus Alba air an nasgadh ri chèile, agus cho cudromach ’s a tha a’ Ghàidhealtachd anns an sgeulachd a tha e ag innse mu phoileataigs na h-Alba. Tha mòran ann mu eachdraidh na dùthcha. Agus, tha puingean sgiobalta air an dèanamh mu structar na Poblachd Luchd-obrach fhèin. Am bun-bheachd a tha a’ seasamh a-mach san teacsa ’s e ‘comannachd Cheilteach’ – poileataigs rèabhlaideach a tha, mas fhìor, a’ togail air traidiseanan nan daoine ann an Èirinn agus Alba a bha a’ diùltadh ìmpireachd is calpachas.

Seo an cunntas sgoinneil a bha aig a sheann chompanach Harry McShane – a chuid chuimhneachan gu mòr air an deasachadh le Joan Smith – air mar a thàinig an leabhran gu bith ceud bliadhna air ais:

The Irish struggle had always inspired John. He had supported Connolly in 1916, when others would not, and in 1918 he had been prepared like the Irish MPs not to take his seat in parliament if elected. in 1920 he decided, following the aim of the Irish movement, that Scotland should be a republic. Without consulting the rest of us [anns an ‘Tramp Trust Unlimited’] he brought out a leaflet entitled [‘]All hail the Scottish Communist Republic[’]: John believed that the Scottish workers were more advanced than the English and that the revolution could be won quicker in Scotland, so he decided to make that his policy.

We didn’t quarrel with the leaflet, and we distributed it at a labour demonstration on housing organised by Andrew McBride. This was a remarkable occasion because Captain White, the organiser of the Irish Citizen Army, also turned up with a regiment of men. He lined them up and drilled them on Glasgow Green. That created one sensation, and John’s leaflet was another. Later, at my suggestion, the slogan was changed to ‘the Scottish Workers’ Republic’ because that had been James Connolly’s call in Ireland.

Harry McShane agus Joan Smith, Harry McShane: No Mean Fighter (Lunainn: Pluto Press, 1978), tdd 117-118.

Bhon fhiosrachadh seo tuigear gum b’ e MacGillEathain fhèin a chruthaich am poileasaidh ùr seo. ’S e atharrachadh gun dùil ris a bh’ ann, agus ged a dh’adhbhraich e ‘sensation’ aig sluagh-fhianais chan eil coltas ann gun robh a sheann chompanaich làn-chinnteach mu dheidhinn. (Mun aon àm, bha Pàrtaidh Comannach Bhreatainn ga stèidheachadh, agus bhiodh sin a’ tàladh cuid dhiubh, cleas Harry McShane, a bharrachd air grunn eile san làimh-chlì.)

Nuair a thàinig an leabhran a-mach, bha MacGillEathain dìreach air a bhith ann an Leòdhas, a’ cur taic ris na croitearan, agus ron sin, ann an Èirinn. Cha b’ e a’ cur fhaclan air pàipear a-mhàin a bha e ach a’ gluasad eadar Alba is Èirinn, a’ Ghàidhealtachd is a’ Ghalltachd, a’ feuchainn ris na diofar strìthean a thoirt còmhla. Agus cuimhnich gum b’ ann bho theaghlach Gàidhealach a bha e fhèin.

Bha MacGillEathain gu soilleir fo bhuaidh strì saorsa na h-Èireann, agus Séamas Ó Conghaile (James Connolly, 1868-1916). B’ ann ann an Labour in Irish History (1910) le Ó Conghaile a leughar argamaidean na bu tràithe mu ‘chomannachd Cheilteach’ – nuair a tha e a’ bruidhinn, mar eisimpleir san ro-ràdh, air an ‘Gaelic principle of common ownership’. (Ach, nas tràithe buileach, tha fios gun robh Iain MacMhuirich (John Murdoch, 1818-1903) a’ dèanamh rudeigin coltach na chuid sgrìobhaidhean.)

Tha na th’ aige ri ràdh mu ‘Cheilteachd’ agus ‘carrying forward the traditions and instincts of the Celtic race’ cho coltach ris an t-sean duan a bha aig Ruaraidh Arascainn is Mhàirr agus na rachadh a sgrìobhadh ann an Gàidhlig ann an Guth na Bliadhna is Alba. Tha Harry McShane a’ dearbhadh buaidh Ruaraidh Arascainn:

He [MacGillEathain] also published articles in the Vanguard written by Erskine of Mar, who was descended from one of the old Scottish noble families but was an old-fashioned radical. The articles were on primitive communism in Scotland [gheibhear liosta dhiubh an seo], and John used this idea in his phrase ‘back to communism, forward to communism’. He was very proud that his forebears had been crofters.

McShane agus Smith, Ibid., td. 118.

Tha e gu math soilleir dhomh gun tug MacGillEathain buaidh mhòr air sgrìobhadairean Guth na Bliadhna/Alba – ged nach eil mi air iomradh a lorg air anns na h-àireamhan aca.

Tha trioblaidean gu leòr an lùib na tha an sgrìobhainn a’ cumail a-mach, ge-tà.

Cha sheasadh cuid mhath dhen fhiosrachadh eachdraidheil sgrùdadh san latha a th’ ann. Mar eisimpleir, bha am pròiseas a bha a’ coirbeadh nan ceann-cinnidh agus a’ lagachadh nam fineachan a’ dol air ais fada ro 1790 no 1745 chun an 17mh linn. ^[2] Bha Gàidheil a’ sabaid às leth Bhreatainn treis mhath ro Chogaidhean Napoleon, mar eisimpleir na rèisimeidean a ghabh pàirt ann an Cogadh nan Seachd Bliadhna (1756-63). ^[3] Bhà easaonta do dh’Aonadh 1707 cudromach airson taic Albannach anns na h-aramachan Seumasach, gu sònraichte Bliadhna Sheumais (1715), ach bha grunn adhbharan air an cùlaibh. Cha robh na Seumasaich uile gu lèir aontaichte mun bhun-reachd, agus bha cuid mhath dhe an nàimhdean Albannach an aghaidh an Aonaidh cuideachd. ^[4] Agus, puing nas cudromaiche. Tha MacGillEathain an seo agus ann an teacsaichean eile, a’ coimhead air ais air gnè de chomannachd thùsail (primitive communism) ann an Alba: ‘The communism of the clans must be re-established on a modern basis’. Mar a tha Neil Davidson nach maireann air argamaid gu làidir, ge-tà, cha b’ e comannachd air an robh na fineachan stèidhichte ach fiùdalachd. ^[5] Chan eil math dhuinn a bhith a’ lìomhadh an ama a dh’fhalbh.

A thuilleadh air sin, saoilidh mi gu bheil e cunnartach mar a tha an teacsa a’ cur Albannaich an aghaidh Shasannach – a dh’aindeoin ’s gum b’ ann ann an Sasainn a bha, agus a tha, teis-meadhan na cumhachd eaconomaich is phoileataigich a bhios a’ cumail dhaoine fo smachd anns na h-eileanan seo. Chan eil sgeul air an luchd-obrach Shasannach agus cho cudromach ’s a bha iadsan san strì an aghaidh calpachas. Agus, bu chòir dhuinn clisgeadh às dèidh dhuinn an abairt ud a leughadh ‘a wage-earners dictatorship’ – no an dictatorship of the proletariat. Cha b’ e sòisealach aintighearnail a bh’ ann am MacGillEathain idir, ach tha sinne comasach a-nis air tuigsinn ciamar a chaidh a leithid a chur an gnìomh san Ruis agus ann an dùthchannan eile. B’ e deachdaireachd thairis air an luchd-obrach a bh’ ann seach riaghladh leis an luchd-obrach.

A dh’aindeoin seo uile, dh’fhaodamaid dol ro fhada le càineadh agus dearmad a dhèanamh air brìgh an teacsa. Chan eil e deatamach gun robh ‘comannachd nan cinnidhean’ ann – mar a tha mi air eadar-theangachadh – airson a bhith ag aithneachadh a) gum bu chòir dhuinn a bhith a’ tuigsinn eachdraidh nan daoine cumanta às a bheil sinn; b) a’ phailteis de chleachdaidhean coitcheann is de dh’eisimpleirean de sheilbh choitcheann (.i. commons) a bh’ aig tuath na Gàidhealtachd ro na fuadaichean, agus gu h-ìre às an dèidh. Agus, cuideachd, am measg tuath na Galltachd.

Ma tha sinn gu bhith a’ tilleadh gu comann-sòisealta stèidhichte air coitcheannas – às aonais calpa is seilbh phrìobhaideach – tha e feumail a bhith a’ togail air a leithid de chleachdadh a bha no a tha fhathast nar measg, no ann an àitichean eile. (Agus, nach e rud ‘coitcheann’ a bu chòir a bhith ann an eòlas, fiosrachadh, cànanan is cultaran a thuilleadh air nithean leithid fearann, biadh, is goireasan?)

Bha MacGillEathain ceart a bhith a’ feuchainn ri a’ phoileataigs ùr rèabhlaideach a shuidheachadh ’s a fhreumhachadh anns an àite às an robh e. Sin rud a rinn iomadh Marxach is sòisealach cleas Uí Chonghaile, Gramsci, Mariátegui, Fanon is eile. ^[6] Bha e cho ceart ’s a ghabhas a bhith a’ seasamh an aghaidh ìmpireachd, agus na làimh a bha aig Albannaich ann a bhith ga cumail a’ dol. Agus feumaidh poileataigs radaigeach sam bith a bhith a’ dèiligeadh ri ainneart (oppression) de gach seòrsa a bharrachd air dubh-shaothrachadh (exploitation) a-mhàin ann an calpachas.

Chuirinn air chùl iomradh sam bith air ‘Ceilteachd’ – no air feartan ‘cinnidheach’ – agus, gun teagamh, air an t-seòrsa nàiseantachd amh a tha cuid air tarraing bho phoileataigs MhicGillEathain. Ach, tha àite ann fhathast airson sòisealachd Ghàidhealach, a tha gar toirt-ne còmhla ann an Alba, Èirinn agus Eilean Mhanainn, a tha a’ strì airson ar cànanan is cultaran aig an dearbh àm ’s a tha sinn ag eagrachadh airson saoghal gun chalpachas.

A’ tuigsinn Poblachd an Luchd-obrach gu sìmplidh mar stàit no ‘stàit an luchd-obrach’, seach mar rian ùr dha-rìribh deamocratach, cha rachadh agam air gabhail rithe mar amas poileataigeach. Ach, nuair a sgrìobh MacGillEathain seo bha e, cleas Shéamais Uí Chonghaile, fo bhuaidh aonachdachd-rèabhlaideach (revolutionary unionism) a’ Phàrtaidh Làbaraich Shòisealaich agus tha e inntinneach mar a tha e gu cliobhar a’ bruidhinn mu dheamocrasaidh gnìomhachail (industrial democracy).

San latha an-diugh, tha ‘All Hail, the Scottish Workers’ Republic!’ a’ cur cheistean oirnn. Carson a bhiomaid ag iarraidh neo-eisimeileachd? Dè tha sinn a’ dol a dhèanamh leatha agus cò a gheibh buannachd aiste? Nas fheàrr buileach, ciamar a bu chòir don chlas-obrach ar riaghladh fhìn agus sòisealachd a thoirt a-mach?

~~~

Fàilte do Phoblachd Luchd-obrach na h-Alba!
le Iain Mòr MacGillEathain

Fad greis a-nise tha an rùn air fàs nas treasa nar measg gum bu chòir do dh’Alba strì gus neo-eisimeileachd nàiseanta a bhuannachadh dhi fhèin, cleas na h-Èireann agus dhùthchannan eile. Chaidh seo a dhaingneachadh bho chionnn ghoirid leis mar a tha Riaghaltas Shasainn air a bhith an eisimeil air feachdan Albannach airson na cuid a bu motha gus Èireannaich a mhurt.

Ri linn seo, dh’fhaighnich fìor Albannaich dhaibh fhèin: “An tèid ar cur-ne mar Albannaich gu feum cleas buill-acainn fhuilteach nan Sasannach an aghaidh ar bràithrean Ceilteach ann an Èirinn?” Agus b’ e a’ ghrad-fhreagairt nàdarra a bha aca  – Cha tèid!

Chunnacas a-rithist mar a tha toirt a-mach an fhearainn le croitearan air a’ Ghàidhealtachd air Gàidheil a bhrosnachadh a rinn imrich gu Abhainn Chluaidh an tòir air cosnadh. B’ e a dhearg-bhrosnaich iad innleachdan carach a’ Mhorair Leverhulme (calpaiche Sasannach a tha e ann), a chuir tràillean-tuarastail Steòrnabhaigh às an dreuchd mar dhòigh air rèidearan Leòdhais a ruagadh bho thuathanasan Chol is Ghriais. Roinn agus ceannsaich a-rithist!

Tha sgoilearan eachdraidh na h-Alba a’ tuigsinn a-nis gum b’ e luchd-lagha is luchd-poileataigs Dhùn Èideann a reic neo-eisimeileachd na dùthcha ann an 1707 – ged as e Iarla Stair as motha a tha air a choireachadh. Tha mòran dhinn deimhinne às gun robh comhairlichean nan rìghrean ’s nam bànrighrean agus an luchd-poileataigs ann an Dùn Èideann a-riamh air am pàigheadh le Lunnainn bho 1707 air adhart gus Alba a chumail fo chìs aig riaghaltas Shasainn. B’ iad na dearbh shlaightearan san 18mh linn a chuidich gus Burns a chreachadh – bàrd an tuatha ’s nan daoine.

Gabhaidh “aramachan” 1715 agus 1745 tuigsinn mar fhreagairt do dh’fhoill 1707. Ach cha do rinn na h-èirighean mì-shealbhach seo ach leisgeul agus cothrom a thoirt do na Sasannaich cinn-chinnidh nan Gàidheal a chìosnachadh agus, às dèidh siud, an dèanamh gu tur coimheach nan dòighean le foghlam ann an Oxford agus Cambridge.

Cha robh anns na cinn-chinnidh bho 1790 a-mach ach Sasannaich gu an smior, agus chleachd iad an cuid luchd-cinnidh gus calpachas Sasannach a dhìon an aghaidh na rèabhlaid a thòisich ann am Paris ann an 1789. Bho chogaidhean Napoleon chaidh na rèisimeidean Gàidhealach a chleachdadh airson am fearann a spùinn Sasainn air feadh an domhain a dhìon, agus tha iad air cuideachadh gu mòr gus an ìmpireachd Shasannach a leudachadh.

Fad ’s a bha iadsan an ceann a’ ghnothaich dhona seo, bha Diùc Chataibh, Mac Cailein Mòr agus cinn-chinnidh eile a’ fuadach an t-sluaigh mar a dhèanadh deagh uachdarain Shasannach. Bha muinntir nan saighdearan air an sguabadh bho am fòid dhùthchasach chun na Machrach Gallta no a-null a Chanada is a dh’Astràilia.

Tha an roth a’ tòiseachadh air dol mun cuairt dhuinn, ge-tà, agus ’s iad Èirinn agus an Ruis a tha gar brosnachadh. Tha neo-eisimeileachd a dhìth air Alba, ach chan ann gus am bi i air a riaghladh le cinn-chinnidh agus luchd-poileataigs fealltach. Feumaidh comannachd nan cinnidhean a bhith air a stèidheachadh às ùr air bunait nua-aimsireil. (Chan eil ann am Boilseabhachd, ann am beagan fhaclan, ach riochd ùr mir na Ruise.) Feumaidh Alba obair a dh’ionnsaigh commanachd a ghabhas a-steach na dùthcha air fad ann an aon aonad. Cha bu chòir ach aon fhine a bhith ann, mar gum b’ eadh – sluagh aonaichte ag obair còmhla agus gu co-obrachail, a’ cur gu feum a’ bheairteis a bhios e a’ cruthachadh.

Dh’fhaodamaid a ràdh, gun teagamh: air ais gu comannachd agus air adhart gu comannachd.

Feumaidh an smachd gu lèir a bhith ann an làmhan an luchd-obrach a-mhàin, fireann agus boireann gu co-ionnan. Cuiridh gach ceàrdach agus gnìomhachas luchd-ionaid gu comhairlean sgìreil agus chun na Comhairle Nàiseanta. Bu chòir don Chomhairle Nàiseanta a bhith stèidhichte ann an, no faisg air, Glaschu leis gu bheil an dàrna leth den t-sluagh a’ fuireach taobh a-staigh fichead mìle bho Ghlaschu.

Rè ùine an atharrachaidh gu comann-sòisealta comannach bidh e an urra ri deachdaireachd an luchd-obrach an siostam-cinneasachaidh, agus toirt a-steach innealan is dhòighean-cinneasachaidh, a stiùireadh a dh’ionnsaigh mhodhan comannach.

Tha na h-uiread de dh’Èireannaich a’ fuireach ann an Alba. Mar Cheiltich coltach ris na h-Albannaich, mar dhaoine a tha a’ sabaid airson neo-eisimeileachd Èireannach, agus mar chosnaichean is sàr luchd-strì airson còirichean a’ chlas-obrach, tha làn-dùil againn gun cuidich iad sinn ann a bhith a’ buannachadh ar Poblachd Luchd-obrach ann an Alba, cho fad ’s a tha iad a-bhos an seo. Bu chòir do dh’Èireannaich tuigsinn gum b’ e comannachd a bha aig na fineachan Èireannach cho math ris na fineachan Albannach. Ann a bhith a’ seasamh gualann ri gualainn leis na h-Albannaich chan eil iad ach a’ cumail suas nòsan is dualchas nan Ceilteach fhèin.

Fàilte do Phoblachd Luchd-obrach na h-Alba!

An t-eadar-theangachadh le Tòmas MacAilpein (2020).

~~~

All Hail, the Scottish Workers Republic!
by John Maclean

For some time past the feeling has been growing that Scotland should strike out for national independence, as well as Ireland and other lands. This has recently been strengthened by the English Government’s intention to rely mainly on Scottish troops to murder the Irish race.

Genuine Scotsmen recently asked themselves the question: “Are we Scots to be used as the bloody tools of the English against our brother Celts of Erin?” And naturally the instinctive response was – No!

Again the land seizures by Highland crofters are arousing the blood of Highlandmen driven south to the Clyde Valley for work. Especially the filthy tactics of Lord Leverhume (an English capitalist), who has dismissed Stornoway wage slaves as a means of beating the Lewis raiders who seized the farms of Coll and Gress. Divide and conquer again!

Scottish students of history now realise that Edinburgh lawyers and politicians sold Scottish independence in 1707, although most blame has fallen on the Earl of Stair. Many of us are convinced that ever since 1707 the Edinburgh kings’ and queens’ consels and politicians have been in the regular pay of London to keep Scotland as the base tool of the English government. These scoundrels in the eighteenth century helped to ruin Burns, the peasants’ and people’s poet.

The “rebellion” of 1715 and 1745 were natural reactions against the treacherous deed of 1707, but these unfortunate outbursts but gave the English the excuse and chance to subdue the Highland chiefs and then corrupt them with an English education at Oxford and Cambridge.

Since 1790 the chiefs became Englishmen in outlook, and used their clansmen to defend English capitalism against the revolution started in Paris in 1789. Since the Napoleonic wars the Highland regiments have been used to defend the stolen lands of England all over the globe, and have largely helped to extend the English empire.

Whilst doing this, the Dukes of Sutherland and Argyll and other chiefs proceeded with the English landlord policy of land clearances. The friends of the fighters were chased off their native heath into the lowlands or out to Canada and Australia.

Now the reaction is beginning – inspired by Ireland and Russia. Scotland must again have independence, but not to be ruled over by traitor chiefs and politicians. The communism of the clans must be re-established on a modern basis. (Bolshevism, to put it roughly, is but the modern expression of the communism of the mir.) Scotland must therefore work itself into a communism embracing the whole country as a unit. The country must have but one clan, as it were – a united people working in co-operation and co-operatively, using the wealth that is created.

We can safely say, then: back to communism and forward to communism.

The control must be in the hands of the workers only, male and female alike, each workshop and industry sending delegates to district councils and the National Council. The National Council must be based in or near Glasgow, as half the population lives within a radius of twenty miles from Glasgow.

In the period of transition a wage-earners dictatorship must guide production, and the adoption of the machinery and methods of production, to communist methods.

Many Irishmen live in Scotland, and, as they are Celts like the Scots, and are out for Irish independence, and as wage-earners have been champion fighters for working class rights, we expect them to ally themselves with us, and help us to attain our Scottish Communist Republic, as long as they live in Scotland. Irishmen must remember that communism prevailed amongst the Irish clans as amongst the Scottish clans, so that, in lining up with Scotsmen they are but carrying forward the traditions and instincts of the Celtic race.

All hail the Scottish Workers’ Republic!

Tùs: Foillsichte mar All Hail, the Scottish Communist Republic! san Lùnastal 1920. Air fhoillseachadh a-rithist mar òraid taghaidh san t-Samhain 1922.
Fhuaireadh an tras-sgrìobhadh seo bho Thasglann Eadar-lìn Iain Mhòir MhicGillEathain, An Tasglann Eadar-lìn Mharxach an seo.

~~~

[1] Nuair a thig e chun an taoibh nàiseantaich ann am poileataigs MhicGillEathain mun àm seo, sgrìobh Henry Bell san eachdraidh-beatha as ùire mu dheidhinn:

Nationalism is for Maclean still a matter of pragmatism rather than an end in itself and, whilst his language was increasingly romantic, and his focus increasingly Celtic, these themes are always subordinate to Marxism. As Maclean began to embrace Scottish nationalism, there were two guiding factors: anti-imperialist struggles in Egypt, India and most of all in Ireland, and the Third International’s decision to strive to build world communism based on a framework of national parties.

Henry Bell, John Maclean: Hero of Red Clydeside (Lunnainn: Pluto Press, 2018), tdd 159-160.

[2] Faic, mar eisimpleir, T.M. Devine, The Scottish Clearances: A History of the Dispossessed 1600-1900 (Allan Lane, 2018), Caibideil 2 ‘The Long Death of Clanship’.

[3] Ibid., Caibideil 11 ‘Harvesting Men’.

[4] Mu aramach 1715, tha Daniel Szechi ag ràdh:

The origins of the Jacobite rising of 1715 lay in the union of Scotland and England of 1707. The overwhelming majority of the Scots Jacobites who turned out to fight in 1715 were inspired to do so by their hostility to the union, which they regarded as a shameful and unnecessary surrender of Scotland’s sovereignty.

Szechi, ‘Jacobite activists of the 1715 rising’ [2006], Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [Ri fhaighinn an seo].

Air an làimh eile, a thaobh Bliadhna Theàrlaich (1745), ’s e an co-dhùnadh a bh’ aig F.J. McLynn gun robh ‘[m]otives and issues in the Jacobite rising are heterogeneous, almost bewilderingly so’. Agus, ‘[T]he Jacobite rising of 1745 cannot be fitted into any general category without omitting most of the nuances, undertones, and unique factors of contingency which went into its make-up’. A dh’aindeoin sin, nam measg nan Seumasach bha ‘Scottish nationalists [who] hoped to throw off the English yoke’. (McLynn, ‘Issues and Motives in the Jacobite Rising of 1745’, The Eighteenth Century, 23:2 (1982), 131.)

[5] Neil Davidson, ‘Marx and Engels on the Scottish Highlands’, ann an Holding Fast to an Image of the Past: Explorations in the Marxist Tradition (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014), tdd 68-60, 71-72.

[6] Faic: David Lloyd, ‘Rethinking national marxism: James Connolly and “Celtic Communism”’, Interventions, 5:3 (2003), 345-370.